Your Sign
Here: Advertising Space ... in
Space
by Jimm Erickson (ID #
0270469)
Legal Issues of the 21st
Century
May 19,
2004
"This is one small step for mankind, but a
giant leap for our Pizza Hut
turnaround."-- Pizza Hut press
release regarding the July 2000 launch of a Russian rocket bearing a thirty-foot
Pizza Hut
logo[1]
According to a March 10, 2004, Interfax news agency
report[2] (with elaboration by an
Associated Press[3] report),
spacecraft designer Alexander Lavrynov claims to have secured a Russian patent
for a space-based advertising device. The device would consist of a number of
satellites connected by cables; both the cables and the
satelliteswould be outfitted with
sunlight reflectors -- in effect, giant mirrors -- forming an array similar to
the light bulbs in a stadium sign.
Lavrynov envisions the space-ads "fly[ing] around the earth several times a
day,"[4] visible in the night sky and
"literally [creating] intercontinental coverage." Although no further
supporting details have emerged in the media, nor any indication of the number
of satellites necessary or the minimum distance between them, Lavrynov claims
that his device could "write geometric symbols, labels and even texts" -- in
short, "huge writings in the sky" that could be seen by untold millions of
potential consumers "no worse [sic] than they see the
stars."[5]
This paper will examine some of the legal issues pertaining to the use of
Lavrynov's invention and others similar to it. These issues are by no means
speculative; according to "futurist" Dr. David Passig, faculty member and head
of the Graduate Program of Educational Technology at Israel's Bar-Ilan
University, we can expect to see -- literally -- advertisements in space by the
year 2015.[6] Already, such companies
as Georgia's Space Marketing, Inc., New York's Global Impact Communications,
Virginia's LunaCorp, Moscow's Energia-Astro Space Services, and Moscow's Space
Marketing Centre are heavily invested in the space-ad business, while NASA
itself has occasionally become
involved.[7]
THE SPACE ADVERTISING
PHENOMENON
However, with one notable exception
discussed below, other space-advertising schemes have been far less ambitious
than Lavrynov's (although, reportedly, "Pepsico has experimented with technology
that would project ads onto the
moon"[8] -- a prospect beyond the
scope of this paper). For example, a forty-pound decal advertising the Arnold
Schwarzenegger movie "Last Action Hero" appeared on the sides of a Conestoga
rocket carrying a Commercial Experiment Transporter, NASA's unsuccessful device
for longer-term microgravity experiments; Columbia Pictures offered $500,000 for
the privilege.[9] And according to
Omni magazine, "[i]n an effort to raise foreign currency, . . . the
Russians . . . sold space on their Soyuz rockets to hawk merchandise ranging
from Sony electronics to Unicharm feminine hygiene
products."[10] More notably, Pizza
Hut placed a thirty-foot logo on a Russian Zvezda Proton rocket launched into
space in July 2000; the fast-food chain reportedly paid as much as $1.2 million
for the placement as part of a $500 million "re-imaging campaign." Meanwhile,
the chain provided pizza (whose flavor was specially formulated, supposedly, to
counteract certain culinary effects of weightlessness) to the International
Space Station (ISS) crew;[11]
Cosmonaut Yuri Usachev was taped eating the pizza for a "video news release."
Radio Shack, Popular Mechanics magazine, and the LEGO Company
commissioned similar ISS promotional
tapes.[12] A
more speculative example involves the "Icebreaker," a privately-funded lunar
rover, which is to be adorned with a Radio Shack logo in exchange for partial
funding of the water-seeking and data-collecting
device.[13] Similarly, the
developers of the European Space Agency's failed Beagle 2 Mars Lander attempted
(unsuccessfully) to secure corporate sponsorship, including one "title sponsor"
which would "get its name associated with the project -- 'the XYZ Beagle 2
Mission to Mars.'"[14] There were
also plans to sell adver-tising "at strategic points on the lander, its
parachutes and airbags"; in turn, the logos were to "feature on com-puter
simulations that w[ould] appear on
television."[15] However, according
to the project's director:Nobody we
ever spoke to about sponsorship could read how the public would respond if a
space mission went wrong . . . [Later,] we calculated . . . the sponsor-ship
value[:] the advertising revenue from the media coverage we got was worth about
a quarter of a billion pounds -- if you were doing an assessment of how many
times your name would go before the public eye. In other words, there's a
message for our sponsorship that, as a brand, Beagle 2 was worth a quarter of a
billion pounds. . .
.[16] To
create a television ad aired during the 1997 MTV Music Awards, Pepsico
reportedly paid $5 million to arrange filming on the Russian Mir space station.
The cosmonauts brought along a four-inch space-grade nylon object that was
expandable into a fully-orbital spacecraft to be tethered outside Mir. Once
expanded, the object became a replica of a Pepsi can -- filmed floating outside
the Mir during a space walk.[17]
Coke, More.com (an online drugstore), Fisher Space Pens, and the milk industry
have also availed themselves of space advertising
opportunities.[18]
CONGRESSIONAL REACTION TO
PROPOSED "SPACE BILLBOARDS"
But the most notorious space-ad scheme was the
one proposed by Georgia's Space Marketing Concepts, Inc., in 1993. The company
announced plans -- scheduled for the 1996 Summer Olympics in Atlanta -- to place
in orbit[19] mile-long,
half-mile-wide swaths of reflective Mylar plastic, supported by "thin wall
plastic tubes."[20] These "space
billboards" would "appear to be the size and brightness of the full
Moon."[21] The billboards would be
"engineered to be more visible at sunrise and sunset" and could be "posi-tioned
to appear to target audiences at peak times of the day and
evening."[22] In the words of the
journal Advertising Age, the plan was "the most ambitious marketing
endeavor ever
contemplated."[23] Within
a month of Space Marketing's announcement, Save Our Skies, a "coalition of
consumer activists, environmentalists and astronomers," began campaigning
against the scheme. The group "appealed to United Nations officials to pass a
resolution condemning the venture and held news conferences and demonstrations
at several sites around the country in
protest."[24] Soon,
both the United States Senate and House of Representatives responded. On June
23, 1993, Senator Jim Jeffords introduced the Space Advertising Prohibition Act
of 1993;[25] a week later,
Representative Edward Markey introduced a similar bill in the
House.[26] Both bills sought to
prohibit licensing the launch of "any payload containing space advertising";
multi-million-dollar penalties would be imposed for violators who somehow
circumvented the prohibition.[27]
The Senate bill sought to prevent the importation of products from "foreign
competitors [who] decide to advertise in
space,"[28] a clause later
simplified in the final proposed bill as a prohibition on "the sale of products
produced by companies advertising in
space."[29] Finally, both bills
requested that the President seek an international agreement against space-based
advertising.[30] However,
there were significant problems with the breadth of the 1993
bill.[31] For example, it would
have prohibited even small advertisements invisible at a distance: "'space
advertising' means advertising in outer space, including [i.e. not limited
to] the placement of images or objects in outer space that are visible from
Earth, for purposes of marketing or otherwise promoting the sale or use of goods
or services."[32] Worse, the bill
would have prevented the sale of, say, Pepsi Cola after 1997 (not to mention all
of Pepsico's other products), because Pepsico "advertised in space" when it
filmed its ad on Mir. Eventually a
more limited version of the bill was passed in
2000[33] -- one which notably omits
any reference to a ban on the sales of products, imported or otherwise. Codified
in the "Commercial Space Transportation" subtitle of the "Transportation" title
of the United States Code, the bill essentially amounts to a Congressionally
imposed (that is, not administrative or discretionary) licensing restriction on
space launches and related activities within the United States or conducted
elsewhere by United States
citizens.[34]
Specifically, licenses may not be granted for the "launch of a payload
containing any material to be used for the purposes of obtrusive space
advertising,"[35] nor can any
license holder launch such a
payload.[36] "Obtrusive space
advertising" is defined as "advertising in outer space that is capable of being
recognized by a human being on the surface of the Earth without the aid of a
telescope or other technological
device."[37] Meanwhile, to limit
the restrictions, the law explicitly does not apply to "nonobtrusive commercial
space advertising, including advertising on -- (1) commercial space
transportation vehicles; (2) space infrastructure payloads; (3) space launch
facilities; and (4) launch support
facilities."[38]
LAVRYNOV AND THE UNITED
STATES MARKET
Thus, it would appear that in regard to
marketing his device to citizens of the United States, Alexander Lavrynov is out
of luck. Although the word "advertising" is not defined in the bill, the word's
scope may be construed broadly. Other sections of the United States Code (too
numerous to list) use "advertising" in its usual sense, involving commercial
products and services; and Title 2 Section 431 repeatedly refers to "political
advertising."[39] Even statements
unrelated to profit or politics may be considered "advertising": Title 23
Section 131 -- titled "Control of Outdoor Advertising" but better known as The
Federal Highway Beautification Act of 1965 -- makes reference to "signs,
displays, and devices advertising the distribution by nonprofit
organizations of free coffee to individuals traveling" on interstate
roads.[40] Given such a broad
scope, even the phrase "Sun Myung Moon is the Messiah" could be considered
"advertising" in the context of space billboards -- as surely it would be if
placed on a billboard beside an interstate
highway. For activities
requiring United States licensing, Lavrynov's only recourse (short of persuading
Congress to change the law) is to obtain a judgment that the law is
unconstitutional:[41] specifically,
that it violates the right to free
speech.[42] His line of argument
would depend on whether the launch payload was geared toward "commercial" or
"non-commercial" speech.
REGULATION OF COMMERCIAL
SPEECH
In regard to commercial speech --
presumably the overwhelming source of any profits space-advertising might reap
-- the Constitutional case is weak. The leading case on the issue is Central
Hudson Gas v. Public Service
Commission,[43] in which the
Supreme Court set out a four-part test for the constitutionality of regulating
commercial speech (the fourth component, in turn, was later modified in Board
of Trustees of the State University of New York v.
Fox[44] and Greater New
Orleans Broadcasting Association v. United
States,[45] which provide the
version given here): (1) whether the speech concerns lawful activity and is not
misleading; (2) whether the asserted governmental interest in regulating the
speech is substantial; (3) whether the regulation directly advances the
governmental interest asserted; and (4) whether there is a reasonable "fit"
between the legislature's ends and the means used to accomplish
them. In regard to the second
element, Title 49 Chapter 701 ("Commercial Space Launch Activities") makes
repeated references to protecting (or conversely, not jeopardizing) "the public
health and safety, safety of property, and national security and foreign policy
interests of the United States."[46]
This boilerplate clause provides a reference point for the variety of
"substantial interests" Congress might
assert. First, a weaker
argument. Conceivably, restrictions on obtrusive space advertising protect
national security and foreign policy interests: the former in regard to
earth-bound astronomical
observation,[47] to the extent that
such contribute data utilized by the Pentagon; and the latter in regard to
trading partners whose citizens might be outraged by space advertising and
demand trade-based retribution.
Even if those arguments are unpersuasive, the central phrase is certainly
"public health and safety." Courts have long accepted aesthetic considerations
as being within the ambit of traditional police powers. For example, the states
of Hawaii, Maine, Alaska, and Vermont allow no billboards
whatsoever.[48] As the Supreme
Court put it: "The concept of the public welfare is broad and inclusive. The
values it represents are spiritual as well as physical, aesthetic as well as
monetary. It is within the power of the legislature to determine that the
community should be beautiful as well as healthy . .
."[49]
The third ("directly advances") element of Central Hudson is, at least
for now (see next paragraph), easily satisfied: as opposed to all other
artificial objects in orbit, space advertisements would implicate aesthetic
issues. All other artificial space objects are either beyond sight or too
fleeting and inconspicuous to require such regulation (and low-flying objects
affect much smaller areas of the globe; hundreds of Goodyear blimps,
simultane-ously aloft, would be required to cover the territory af-fected by the
brief transit of one space billboard). A ban on space advertisements directly
advances the preservation of heavenly
aesthetics. Having said that,
however, it must be noted that -- in the intermediate future -- a substantial
amount of foreign-controlled space advertising might weaken the argument. Once
the skies are sufficiently cluttered, laws forbidding Americans to clutter them
further might not directly advance a state interest (. . . or perhaps they might
-- in regard to speech regulation, there are no analogous cases on
point).[50] Chances are, courts
would defer to legislative judgments regardless. A comparable issue (although
not involving speech) might be environmental regulations that are stricter than
those of, say, Mexico; a regulation rendered less reasonable due to its
disregard by foreign neighbors might nevertheless be found reasonable enough by
the
courts.[51]
The fourth factor requires a reasonable "fit" between the law and the state
interests. In Metromedia, Inc. v. City of San Diego, a leading
commercial speech case, the Supreme Court found this factor to be satisfied in
regard to a law against terrestrial
billboards:If the city has a
sufficient basis for believing that billboards are . . . unattractive, then
obviously the most direct and perhaps the only effective approach to solving the
problems they create is to prohibit them. The city has gone no further than
necessary in seeking to meet its ends. Indeed, it has stopped short of fully
accomplishing its ends: It has not prohibited all billboards, but allows onsite
advertising and some other specifically exempted
signs.[52]
In regard to space advertising, the government is not banning all billboards,
but instead only those in space. If this ban is unreasonable, it would have to
be on a basis apart from the Central Hudson test. One possible objection
is that the law creates a total prohibition of a particular expressive
forum. The relevance of this point is expressed well in an early (and
rare) article on space advertising:
In commercial speech cases, the
audience's interest receives significant scrutiny because a large part of the
rationale for protecting commercial expression lies in consumer interests in
information. In evaluating the intrusion of a regulation on expression rights,
courts should also investigate the availability of alternative means of
communication. Commercial speech jurisprudence places greater emphasis on
the rights of listeners to receive information than of speakers to communicate
information. Nearly all of the Supreme Court's major commercial speech
decisions that protect speech do so on the basis of advancing consumer interests
in receiving information.[53]
In other words, one might
argue that consumers are ill-served by forbidding all space-based advertising,
in that no other medium approximates its reach. This seems unlikely, however,
in that so little content can be communicated by space ads; even if scrolling
script were possible, the speed of low-orbit transit would preclude viewers from
reading more than two or three short (very short) sentences. Although these
sentences might reach consumers otherwise beyond the reach of any other form of
advertisement, the minimal amount of information conveyed seems a small
consolation for cluttering the skies -- particularly given that many consumers
are outside the reach of advertising (e.g., in remote rural regions) by
choice, and thus could hardly be said to benefit by being unable to
escape from the reach of commercial speech. As the above-quoted article
concludes: "When the Court has not found that commercial speech advances
consumer information interests, it has declined
protection."[54]
REGULATION OF NON-COMMERCIAL
SPEECH
The question of excluding an entire
forum, implicating in turn the question of "alternative venues," also plays a
part in the analysis of non-commercial (i.e., general) speech restrictions. In
the Court's words, "Although pro-hibitions foreclosing entire media may be
completely free of content or viewpoint discrimination, the danger they pose to
the freedom of speech is readily apparent -- by eliminating a common means of
speaking, such measures can suppress too much
speech."[55] Put differently (by
the author of a law review article): "[L]imiting the availability of particular
means of communication . . . can significantly impair the ability of individuals
to communicate their views to others. . . . To ensure 'the widest possible
dis-semination of information' and the 'unfettered interchange of ideas,' the
first amendment prohibits . . . content-neutral restrictions that unduly
constrict the opportuni-ties for free
expression."[56]
However, the case supplying the quote above (City of Larue v. Gilleo)
repeatedly emphasized the value of "cheap and convenient form[s] of
communication"[57] -- that is, forms
of communication available to average citizens. Although not formally an
element of a rule or test, it seems clear that the Court's concern is directed
toward media whose re-striction would restrict the avenues for speech available
to "persons of modest means or limited
mobility."[58] Obvi-ously, this
concern would not extend to the inability to launch multiple cable-connected low
earth orbit satellites equipped with solar
reflectors. Apart from
"alternative venue" concerns (as such),
content-neutral[59] regulation of
speech is acceptable "if it advances important governmental interests unrelated
to the suppression of free speech and does not burden substantial-ly more speech
than necessary to further those
interests."[60] The latter clause
(which encompasses the alternative venue issue) means that the restrictions must
be narrowly tailored. Arguably, restrictions applicable to the entire sky are
the antithesis of "narrow."
However, the Court has upheld restrictions against posting signs on public
property throughout the city of Los
Angeles[61] -- clearly, not a
"narrow" zone of prohibition in the usual sense of the word. Once again,
moreover, the Court upheld aesthetics as a sufficiently important inter-est:
"[T]he visual assault on the citizens of Los Angeles presented by an
accumulation of signs posted on public property . . . constitutes a significant
substantive evil within the City's power to
prohibit."[62] And, perhaps
cru-cially, the Court expressly ruled against an exception for non-commercial
speech: "To create an exception for . . . political speech and not other types
of protected speech might create a risk of engaging in constitutionally
forbid-den content discrimination. The City may properly decide that the
esthetic interest in avoiding visual clutter just-ifies a removal of all signs
creating or increasing that
clutter."[63]
Space, of course, is not "public property" in the sense applied to the City of
Los Angeles. Even if it were, however, it is not a "place[] which by long
tradition or by government fiat ha[s] been devoted to assembly and
de-bate,"[64] nor a place that has
"immemorially been held in trust for the public, and, time out of mind, ha[s]
been used for purposes of assembly, communicating thoughts be-tween citizens,
and discussing public
questions."[65] Were it such a
"public forum," the government (with allowable re-strictions on the time and
manner of activities) would be "constitutionally obligated to make [it]
available for speech."[66] But no
citizen can expect the right to obtru-sively advertise in space to be among the
"privileges, immunities, rights, and liberties" guaranteed by the Four-teenth
Amendment.[67]
In short, Lavrynov would not fare much better in challenging the law as an
unconstitutional restriction on non-commercial speech. On the other hand, three
Justices dissented in Vincent, the Los Angeles case quoted above; it is
worth noting the dissent's proposed standard:
[I]n order to uphold a
restriction of speech imposed to further an aesthetic objective, a court must
ascer-tain the substantiality of the specific objective pur-sued. . . .
[U]nless courts carefully scrutinize aes-thetics-based restrictions of speech,
they risk stand-ing idly by while important media of communication are
foreclosed for the sake of insubstantial governmental objectives. . . . In this
case, for example, it is essential that the Court assess the City's ban on signs
by evaluating whether the City has a substantial interest in eliminating the
visual clutter caused by all posted signs throughout the City -- as
disting-uished from an interest in banning signs in some areas or in preventing
densely packed signs. If, in fact, either of the latter two objectives
constitute the substantial interest underlying this ordinance, they could be
achieved by means far less restrictive of speech than a total ban on signs, and
the ban, there-fore, would be invalid. . . . In cases like this, where a total
ban is imposed on a particularly valu-able method of communication, a court
should require the government to provide tangible proof of the legit-imacy and
substantiality of its aesthetic
objective.[68]
LAVRYNOV AND THE FOREIGN
MARKET
One searches in vain for
international law regulating Low Earth Orbit (LEO) satellites -- there isn't
any.[69] Of course, communications
satellites must meet their own nation's telecommunication laws as well as
observe the "technical co-ordination and economic harm consultation requirements
of international satellite
organizations."[70] Meanwhile,
signatory nations to the "Outer Space Treaty" of
1967[71] are required to establish
licensing regulations for
launches,[72] but nothing compels
them to include forgoing space advertising as a prerequisite to a
license. Generally, beyond
communications-frequency coordination, LEO is of far less (non-military)
international interest than geosynchronous orbit. Whereas the latter inherently
involves scarcity in space allocation, the space accommodating LEO is much more
a (very wide) band than a (relatively narrow) circle; once simple questions of
jurisdiction[73] and liability for
accidents[74] are answered, few
other non-military/non-frequency issues have been considered serious enough to
require international regulation or
cooperation. In short, as of
today Lavrynov's device could be launched anywhere on earth (except the United
States) by citizens of any other nation, so long as the "controlling interest"
of the entity responsible for the launch is not American. Beyond that, the
launch would have to be insured and meet local telecommunications requirements
-- just like every other launch.
CONCLUSION
A single advertisement on a
Lavrynov-style billboard could be worth tens of millions of
dollars;[75] the cost of launching
and maintaining the satellite could be covered, with millions to spare, by
securing only two or three long-term customers. As Professor Passig suggests,
space adver-tising seems all but inevitable; and even if international treaties
are revised to forbid space advertising, the potential benefits may be so great
as to tempt non-signa-tories to cash in (or signatories to refuse ratification).
Given enough space billboards, the relative state interest in "aesthetics" may
no longer strike the Supreme Court as being substantial enough to restrict the
speech involved -- particularly if it is non-commercial (e.g., political or
religious), in which case the dissent in Vincent might provide the needed
arguments for a more libertarian, pro-business majority. For better or worse,
the lucrative issue of advertising in space is likely to provide several of the
legal issues of the 21st Century.
[1]
See Kathy Prentice, Rocketing Your Message into the Star-Lit
Heavens, MEDIA LIFE (July 24, 2000), available at http://
archives.medialifemagazine.com/news2000/jul00/jul24/news40724.html.
[2]
See Interfax, Russian Inventor Suggests Placing Ads in Space (Mar.
10, 2004), available at http://www.interfax.ru/
e/B/0/28.html?id_issue=9678684.[3]
See Associated Press, Look to the Heavens, Spot an Advertisement
(Mar. 11, 2004), available at http://
abclocal.go.com/ktrk/news/bizarre/031104_APsn_ads.html.
[4]
Lavrynov must be referring to Low Earth Orbit or "LEO" satellites. The device
clearly is not intended for geosynchronous orbit; nor is it likely that any
space advertising device (for parallax reasons alone) could allow for satellites
at that altitude (the altitude of geosynch-ronous objects is about 35,790 km,
see Geosynchronous Orbit, WIKIPEDIA ENCYCLOPEDIA, available at
http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Geosynchronous). A survey of data pertaining
to visible satellites appearing over Santa Clara, California, in mid-May, 2004,
suggests that the great majority of them have periods of less than two hours,
altitudes of less than 1000 km, and very dim magnitudes between 10.0-5.0
(presumably, the magnitudes would be made lower, i.e. brighter, by reflectors).
See Nasa Website, J-Pass Data, available at
http://science.nasa.gov/RealTime/JPass/25/ JPass.asp (requires applet).
There are exceptions: TEAMSAT (magnitude 10.0) has an altitude of about 4000 km
and a period of about 8 hours. Id. (note: TEAMSAT may be a satellite
with an extremely elliptical orbit, meaning that its "altitude" as stated is a
mean distance which varies considerably; I have been unable to determine whether
this is true). UARS, whose altitude is 560 km and period is 96 minutes, has a
magnitude of 2.0, id. -- making it (in NORAD's words) one of "the 100 (or
so) brightest special interest satellites." See Redshift Multimedia
Astronomy Website, Updates> RedShift 5> Spacecraft> Brightest
Satel-lites, available at http://www.redshift.de/us/up/
updt905030114.htm.[5]
This and the preceding paragraph were constructed from the sources cited in
footnotes 2-3, supra. The direct quotes included are all statements
attributed to Lavrynov. English-language Google searches for both "Alexander
Lavry-nov" and "ads [or 'advertisements'] in space" provide only redundant
references to the same sources. The Russian Pat-ent and Trademark Office
provides no relevant online information in English. In short, I have found no
indepen-dent verification of this information, nor any further references to
Lavrynov (even with variant spelling).
[6]
See "flash" timeline presentation on website of Dr. David Passig,
available at http://www.passig.com.
[7]
See Prentice, supra note
1.[8]
See Jeff Deitrich, Advertising is Propaganda for American Consumer
Culture, PENN. ST. COL. EDUC. CONNECTIONS (Apr. 2004), available at
http://www.ed.psu.edu/news/jhally.asp (para-phrasing anti-consumerism scholar
Sut
Jhally).[9]
See Nasa, Commercial Space Transportation Study, section 3.10.3.6.2,
available at http://www.hq.nasa.gov/webaccess/
CommSpaceTrans/SpaceCommTransSec310/CommSpacTransSec310.html#3_10_3. Reports of
Columbia's actual payment are contra-dictory; some suggest that the payment was
withdrawn after several launch
delays.[10]
Don E. Tomlinson & Rob L. Wiley, People Do Read Large Ads: The Law of
Advertising from Outer Space, 47 FED. COMM. L.J. 535, 541 (1995) (quoting
Devera Pine, Selling America on Orbiting Ads, OMNI (Feb. 1994), at 27).
This source provided "leads" for much of this paper's approach to the question
of speech
regulation.[11]
See Todd Halvorson & Yuri Karash, Russia Takes the Lead in Space
Age Advertising, SPACE.COM (May 31, 2001), available at
http://space.com/news/spaceagencies/russia_market_ 010531-1.html. A photo of
the rocket is available at
http://www.globenet.free-online.co.uk/articles/ecologist.htm.[12]
See
id.[13]
See Prentice, supra note
1.[14]
See Richard Ingham Paris, Space: The Ultimate Billboard, Agence
France-Presse (Mar. 14, 2000), available at http://
www.spacedaily.com/news/marsexpress-00c.html.[15]
Id.[16]
A.J.S. Rayl, DIALOGUE Colin Pillinger: On Beagle 2 and the Search for Life on
Mars (Apr. 15, 2004), available at
http://www.planetary.org/news/2004/dialogue_pillinger.html (Planetary
Society
website).[17]
See Prentice, supra note
1.[18]
See
id.[19]
Space billboards could take one of two
forms:1) a single-entity billboard
spacecraft, pro-grammed, powered, and launched to achieve and maintain a
particular orbit and orientation; or 2) the payload of a separate spacecraft,
which would, as orbiting space shuttles so often have done in the case of
communication satellites, de-posit the payload into space and then fire roc-kets
in the payload to achieve and maintain a particular orbit and orientation.
Tomlinson & Wiley, supra
note 10, at
538.[20]
See Karl Grossman, Disgrace Into Space, 31 ECOLOGIST (Mar.
2001) (see sidebar, Space To Let: Advertising In The Skies), available
at http://www.globenet.free-online.co.uk/
articles/ecologist.htm.[21]
Jeff Foust, post to TECH'Y REV. weblog (Mar. 12, 2004), available at
http://www.technologyreview.com/blog/blog. asp?blogID=1319. This source refers
to the device as a "giant Mylar balloon." Id. (Foust is the editor and
publisher of Space
Review.)[22]
139 Cong. Rec. E. 2862 (comments of Sen. Molinari, Nov. 10,
1993).[23]
139 Cong. Rec. E. 1733-34 (July 1, 1993) (quoting Dianne Dumanoski, Ads In
Space? Don't Look Now, But . . ., BOS. GLOBE, May 14,
1993).[24]
Id. [25]
See 139 Cong. Rec. S. 7759. According (hyperbolically) to Sen. Jeffords,
"Companies will pay $1.7 million to advertise for one minute on the Super Bowl
to reach an audience of millions. A space billboard could reach bil-lions for
days. At the Super Bowl rate, a space billboard is worth about $12 billion."
139 Cong. Rec. S. 7760 (comments of Sen. Jeffords, June 23,
1993).[26]
See 139 Cong. Rec. E. 1732 (July 1,
1993).[27]
See 139 Cong. Rec. E. 1733 (July 1,
1993).[28]
See 139 Cong. Rec. S. 7760 (paraphrase of Sen. Jeffords, June 23,
1993).[29]
I have been unable to find this in the Congressional Record, but several sources
refer to it. See, e.g., Grossman, supra note 19.
[30]
See 139 Cong. Rec. E. 1733 (July 1, 1993).
[31]
As one source put it, quoting law professor Glenn Rey-nolds: "This bill is a law
professor's nightmare. If one of my students had drafted this, I'd have given
him an F, because the definition of space advertising is so broad, it basically
outlaws everything -- TV commercials, company logos on the sides of rockets, the
works. It's sloppy." Earl W. Phillips, The Concept Of "Billboards In
Space", 5 ELECTRONIC J. ASTRONOMICAL SOC'Y ATLANTIC (Aug. 1993),
availableat
http://www.seds.org/pub/info/newsletters/ejasa/1993/jasa9308.txt.
[32]
See 139 Cong. Rec. E. 1733 (July 1,
1993).[33]
49 U.S.C. § 70109a (2002). Note that "a" is not a subsection -- the
section itself is
"70109a."[34]
See id. As for "conducted elsewhere": The requirements apply to "an
entity organized or existing under the laws of a foreign country if the
controlling interest . . . is held by an individual or entity" who or which is
defined as a "citizen of the United States." See id. §
701029(1)(C). If applicable, a license is required "to launch a launch
vehicle or to operate a launch site or reentry site, or to reenter a reentry
vehicle, outside the United States"; or to do so "outside the United States and
outside the terri-tory of a foreign country [unless the foreign country] has
jurisdiction" by international agreement; or to do so "in the territory of a
foreign country if . . . [by interna-tional agreement] the United States
Government has juris-diction." See id. §
70104(A)[35]
See id. §
70109a(a).[36]
See id. § 70109a(b). The penalty provision for any violation of the
subtitle is a maximum of $100,000 per day plus suspension or revocation of
license; no special penalty is imposed for space advertising as such. See
id. §
70115(c)(1).[37]
See id. §
70102(8).[38]
See id. §
70109a(c).[39]
See 2 U.S.C. § 431
(2002).[40]
See 23 U.S.C. § 131 (2002)(c)(5) (emphasis
added).[41]
For example, Lavrynov could apply for a license and, when denied one, sue the
Secretary of Transportation -- the route chosen (in effect) by many of those who
challenged the constitutionality of limiting marriage licensing to opposite-sex
couples; those plaintiffs correspondingly sued whichever state officer applied
legislative restrictions in overseeing marriage licensing. See,
e.g., Baehr v. Lewin, 852 P.2d 44 (Haw. 1993).
[42]
Licensing restrictions that implicate free speech issues are permitted (absent
other constitutional flaws) if "the government has an important reason for
licensing and only if there are clear criteria leaving almost no discretion to
the licensing authority." Erwin Chemerinsky, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 946 (2001).
Here there is no discretion; and the governmental interests arguably include:
aesthetics (an accepted interest in regard to interstate billboard laws and
state billboard restrictions, see, e.g., 23 U.S.C. §
131 (2002)); limiting the detrimental effect space bill-boards would have on
earth-based astronomical observation; and foreign policy concerns in terms of
trading partners who might object to space
advertising.[43]
447 U.S. 557
(1980).[44]
492 U.S. 469
(1989).[45]
527 U.S. 173
(1999).[46]
See generally 49 U.S.C. § 70101 et seq.
[47]
Carl Sagan warned that space advertising "may destroy optical ground-based
astromony." Carl Sagan, letter to Rep. Edward J. Markey, June 3, 1993
(reprinted in 139 Cong. Rec. E. 1733 (July 1, 1993)). And in the words of Rep.
Constance Morella (paraphrasing, in part, British astrono-mer Dr. Derek
McNally): "[I]mportant astronomical research will be jeopardized . . .
[presenting] a very serious chal-lenge to sustained deep sky studies. As a
member of the Committee on Science, Space, and Technology, I want to fur-ther
astronomical research and ensure its safety. These orbiting billboards will
damage a fundamental science." 139 Cong. Rec. E. 1732 (comments of Rep.
Morella, July 1, 1993)). These concerns were voiced in the context of Space
Marketing's "giant ballon"; it is unclear whether they would be relevant to
Lavrynov's device.
[48]
See Editorial, Ban Billboards, SALT LAKE CITY TRIB. (Apr. 29,
2004).
[49]
Berman v. Parker, 348 U.S. 26, 32-33 (1954). In the context of speech issues,
the Supreme Court has
written:In Kovacs v.
Cooper, 336 U.S. 77 (1949), the Court re-jected the notion that a city is
powerless to protect its citizens from unwanted exposure to certain methods of
expression which may legitimately be deemed a pub-lic nuisance. In upholding an
ordinance that prohib-ited loud and raucous sound trucks, the Court held that
the State had a substantial interest in protect-ing its citizens from unwelcome
noise. In Lehman v. City of Shaker Heights, 418 U.S. 298 (1974), the
Court upheld the city's prohibition of political advertising on its buses,
stating that the city was entitled to protect unwilling viewers against
intrusive advertis-ing that may interfere with the city's goal of making its
buses "rapid, convenient, pleasant, and inexpen-sive," id. at 302-303
(plurality opinion). . . . These cases indicate that the municipalities have a
weighty, essentially esthetic interest in proscribing intrusive and unpleasant
formats for expression.Members of
City Council v. Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S. 789, 805-06
(1984).
[50]
The Court has written: "The notion that a regulation of speech may be
impermissibly underinclusive is firmly grounded in basic principles of
the Federal Constitution's First Amendment[.]" City of Ladue v. Gilleo, 512
U.S. 43, 51 (1994)(emphasis in original). However, in this case the
underinclusion would result entirely from "inclusion" legitimized by foreign
governments.
[51]
There is no basis for this presumption -- indeed, this issue (foreign activity
negating the interests of "aesthetics" by cluttering the skies) may prove to be
the very point that one day obliges a court to find the ban on space advertising
unconstitutional.
[52]
Metromedia, Inc. v. City of San Diego, 453 U.S. 490, 508
(1981).
[53]
Tomlinson & Wiley, supra note 10, at
553-54.[54]
Id. at
554.[55]
City of Ladue v. Gilleo, 512 U.S. 43, 55
(1994).[56]
Geoffrey R. Stone, Content-Neutral Restrictions, 54 U. CHI. L. REV. 46,
57-58
(1987).[57]
See City of Ladue, 512 U.S. at
57.[58]
See
id.[59]
Although the term "content neutral" may not always pro-vide a bright line, in
the case of banning space advertis-ing there can be little question of
neutrality: all adver-tising is banned, regardless of content. Generally,
"con-tent neutral" means "viewpoint neutral" and "subject matter neutral."
CHEMERINSKY, supra note 42, at 908. "Viewpoint" refers to the ideology
of the speech's message; "subject matter" refers to the topic of the speech.
Id. at
908-09.[60]
Turner Broadcasting Systems Inc. v. Federal Communica-tions Commission, 520 U.S.
180, 189
(1997).[61]
See Members of City Council v. Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S. 789
(1984).[62]
Id. at
807.[63]
Id. at
816.[64]
Perry Education Assn. v. Perry Local Educators' Assn., 460 U.S. 37, 45
(1983).[65]
Hague v. Committee for Industrial Organization, 307 U.S. 496, 515
(1939).[66]
See CHEMERINSKY, supra note 42, at
1134.[67]
See Hague v. Committee for Industrial Organization, 307 U.S. at
515.[68]
Members of City Council v. Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S. 789, 824-28
(1984)(Brennan, J., dissenting).
[69]
This refers to LEO satellites specifically; that is, in contrast to
geosynchronous satellites, which are subject to a variety of international
regulations and agreements. General space law, of course, applies to both --
but beyond general principles governing all space activities, such as
jurisdiction and liability, nothing regulates the introduc-tion of new
objects into
LEO.[70]
See Sa'id Mosteshar, Legal Issues Concerning Low Earth Orbit
Communications Satellites (Presentation to The Legal Subcommittee of The United
Nations Committee On Peaceful Uses of Outer Space at the United Nations, New
York, Mar. 31, 1993), available at http://www.mosteshar.com/leocs. html.
[71]
The Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration
and Use of Outer Space, Including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, Jan. 27,
1967, 18 U.S.T. 2410, 610 U.N.T.S.
205.[72]
"The activities of non-governmental entities in outer space, including the moon
and other celestial bodies, shall require authorization and continuing
supervision by the appropriate State Party to the Treaty." Id. at art.
VI.[73]
Article VIII states: "A State Party to the Treaty on whose registry an object
launched into outer space is carried shall retain jurisdiction and control over
such object, and over any personnel thereof, while in outer space or on a
celestial body." Id. at art. VIII.
[74]
Under Article VI of the Outer Space Treaty, "a State Party assumes international
responsibility and liability for the space activities conducted by its
government and non-government entities." Delbert D. Smith, The Technical,
Legal, and Business Risks of Orbital Debris, 6 N.Y.U. ENVITL. L.J. 50, 55
(1997).[75]
"At the Super Bowl rate, a space billboard is worth about $12 billion." 139
Cong. Rec. S. 7760 (comments of Sen. Jeffords, June 23, 1993). As noted, this
is hyperbolic.