The Babylonian Marriage Market:
People talk a
lot about inequality of income, but there are other forms of
inequality. In a society
where most women get married and who they marry largely
determines the rest of
their lives, inequality in the characteristics that men value in
a wife, most
obviously physical attractiveness, may be more important than
inequality of
wealth. An attractive
woman has her
choice of husbands, an ugly woman may be unable to get an offer
from even one.
In a society with bride price and dowry, the parents of an
attractive woman can
collect a sizable bride price while other parents, if they want
to marry off
their daughter, may have to provide a sizable dowry.
Herodotus
describes an economist’s solution to this particular form of
inequality. The
attractive woman sells for a high price, but the price is paid
not to her in
the form of a particularly desirable husband or to her parents
as bride price
but to the pool of cash that will be used to buy husbands for
the less
attractive brides. Wealth redistribution on the marriage market.
There are two
problems. One is that there is nothing to guarantee that the
market will clear,
that the total collected for the more desirable brides will be
the amount
needed to buy husbands for the less desirable. It might be less,
in which case
some remain unmarried. It might be more.
The other
problem is more complicated. Pairing up couples is not merely a
question of who
gets the better partners, who the worse, not solely what
economists describe,
in other contexts, as a question of distribution. It is also a
matter of who fits
with whom. I once estimated that the woman to whom I am still
married, forty
years after I met her, was about a one in a hundred thousand
catch–for me. But
I did not have to bid her away from competing suitors by
promising to obey her
lightest whim, or even to wash the dishes, because when I met
her there were no
competing suitors–I was the first man she ever dated. For some
odd reason, not
every man, hearing a woman give a clear and correct explanation
of a point in
calculus, falls in love on the spot.
Matching up
husband and wife is not merely a problem of distribution. It is
also a problem
of allocation, getting the pairing right, forming couples each
member of which
has the characteristics the other values. The Babylonian
marriage market does
half the job, since how much each man is willing to bid for a
particular bride
depends in part on how well she matches what he wants. But there
is no bidding
from the other side, nothing to make it easier for a woman to
end up with the
husband she wants than with one of the ones she doesn’t. The
auction makes
sense only in a world where everyone, or at least every woman,
has about the
same preferences in potential marriage partners.
Contrast that
to the way we do it. Marriage is by mutual assent of the
partners. Each
marriage includes an implicit price in the form of its implicit
terms–how much
each is expected to do, how much control each will have over
joint decisions
such as where to live or how many children to have and how to
bring them up. If
I value the woman I am courting more than my rivals I will be
willing to offer
her a higher price for her hand. If she values me more than she
values them,
she will be willing to accept a lower price from me than from
them. Seen
through the simplifying lens of economics it is a market
transaction. Like
other market transactions, it tends to allocate in a way that
maximizes the
summed value to the parties. But like other market transactions,
and unlike the
Babylonian auction, it does nothing to eliminate the inequality
that comes from
the fact that some people are more desirable marriage partners
than others.
The market
model of marriage has, however, at least one serious problem,
illustrated in
the next story.