The Jigsaw Man
As Poul
Anderson pointed out in the previous story, you can prevent
someone from doing
something you don’t want him to do by making doing it
unprofitable. The
application of that idea to the problem of crime control is
punishment
sufficient to make the cost of crime to the criminal greater
than the benefit.
Different
forms of punishment are different ways of imposing costs on
criminals. One
obvious way of choosing among them is by how much it costs all
of us to impose
a given cost on the criminal. Consider first execution.
The cost to
the criminal is one life. That is also the total cost, if we
ignore the salary
of the hangman or the electric bill for the electric chair.
Ratio of total cost
to amount of deterrence is about one. The same would be true
for corporal
punishment such as a flogging.
Next consider
imprisonment, one of the two common forms of criminal
punishment in modern
societies. The cost to the criminal of a five year sentence is
five years spent
in prison. The cost to the rest of us is the cost of running
the prison. Total
cost, ours plus his, is the sum of the two, so the ratio of
total cost to
amount of deterrence is more than one. Imprisonment is a more
inefficient punishment
than execution or corporal punishment, since it costs more to
produce the same
amount of deterrence.
The other
common punishment in a modern criminal system is a fine. The
convicted criminal
pays a thousand dollars, the legal system collects a thousand
dollars. Cost to
the criminal a thousand dollars, total cost zero. Ratio of
total cost to amount
of deterrence zero.
Judged on that
basis a fine is better than execution, which in turn is better
than
imprisonment. So why not punish all crimes with fines? One
obvious answer is that
not all convicted criminals can pay a fine large enough to
produce the amount
of deterrence we want for their crime.
Larry Niven
offers a solution to that problem–a fine that takes the form
of confiscation of
the criminal’s organs. Legally speaking it is an execution,
but one in which
the cost to the criminal of losing a life is balanced, perhaps
more than
balanced, by the benefit to the rest of us. The criminal
convicted of a capital
offense would have died anyway, and once he is dead he has no
further use for
his heart or kidneys. Obviously an unambiguous improvement.
The economic
approach to law views it in terms of the incentives that legal
rules create and
the actions that result. That ought to include the incentives
of everyone
affected, including whoever collects the fine or receives the
organs. Niven’s
proposal has no effect on the incentives of the criminal. But
it gives everyone
who might some day benefit by an organ transplant an incentive
to support
making more and more crimes capital. Including, as we see at
the end of the
story, dangerous driving.
Consider the
same point applied to an ordinary fine. Punishing a crime with
a fine instead
of imprisonment looks like an unambiguous improvement,
provided the criminal
can pay. If he cannot pay, perhaps he can be compelled to work
off the fine.
That too looks like an unambiguous improvement. We impose the
same cost on the
criminal, perhaps three years of prison labor instead of five
sitting in a cell.
With luck his labor pays us for the cost of the prison,
perhaps with something
left over.
A very long
time ago I proposed something along those lines in an online
argument. The
person I was arguing with responded that the colonial powers
in Africa used
that approach. When they wanted a road built they found some
excuse to arrest
and convict a bunch of the locals and sentenced them to labor
building the
road.
His
application of economics, and Niven’s, was more sophisticated
than mine. In
considering the effect of a legal rule, you need to think
about the effect on
everyone, including the people enforcing the rule.
For a modern
version of the problem, consider civil forfeiture. Under
current law, property
used in a crime forfeits to the state. The defendant is the
property, not its
owner. The owner need not be convicted, or even suspected, of
a crime—the
property could have been used without his knowledge or
permission. If he wants
to get the property back it is up to him to go to court and
show, by a
preponderance of the evidence, that it was not used in a
crime.
Police
departments, like the rest of us, can always use money. You
are driving
somewhere far from home, carrying with you twenty thousand
dollars in cash that
you intend to use to make a down payment on a house. A police
officer stops
you, claims he saw something suspicious in how you were
driving, searches your
car and finds the money. He concludes that the only reason you
would have that
much cash on you is as part of a drug deal, so seizes the
money. He helpfully
points out to you that you are of course free to go to
court—in his town—and
try to prove that the money was for a legitimate purpose. Also
that the police
department, in order to win the case, will charge you with
being a drug dealer,
giving you two, not one,
cases to try to
win. If, on the other hand, you let them keep the money, they
will have no need
to arrest and charge you.
This is not,
unfortunately, a wholly fictional story.
For a longer and more
detailed exploration of the issue, see my “Why Not
Hang Them All: The Virtues
of Inefficient Punishment.”[1] I
published it in 1999. Larry Niven published his version in
1971.